June 12 Historic election that shook Nigeria
As Nigerians begin a countdown to the 20th Anniversary of the June 12, 1993 elections, JOHN ALECHENU reports that little has been learnt from the catastrophic episode. As Nigerians begin a countdown to the
20th anniversary of the June 12, 1993 presidential election, JOHN
ALECHENU reports that little, if any lesson has been learnt from
the
catastrophic episode
Wednesday, June 12, 2013 will make it
exactly 20 years since Nigerians participated in what has remained
arguably the nation’s freest and fairest presidential election.
A decade earlier, precisely on December
31, 1983, the military had brought to an abrupt end what was Nigeria’s
second attempt at democratic governance after gaining independence from
British colonial masters in 1960.
The military seized power in a bloodless
coup and installed Maj.-Gen. Mohammadu Buhari as head of state and
Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces. His administration had no
timetable for a return to civilian rule.
He was forced out by his then Chief of
Army Staff, Maj.-Gen. Ibrahim Babangida, in a bloodless coup d’état on
August 27, 1985. Babangida then began an endless money guzzling transition to civil rule programme.
After several false starts, the
Babangida-led military junta buckled under local and international
pressure to return the country to civilian rule.
The administration set up a National
Electoral Commission and appointed Prof. Humphrey Nwosu as its chairman.
It also decreed two political parties into existence.
The progressives found a home in the
Social Democratic Party while the conservatives gravitated towards the
National Republican Convention.
After fiercely contested primaries held
in Jos, Plateau State by the SDP, a renowned multimillionaire
businessman, Chief Moshood Kashimawo Abiola, better known as MKO,
emerged as the party’s presidential flag bearer.
His opponent was a little known Kano businessman, Alhaji Bashir Tofa, who flew the flag of the NRC.
Abiola took what was then considered a
political risk; he picked Ambassador Babagana Kingibe, a northern
minority politician and fellow Muslim, as his running mate.
Several events followed in quick
succession. The country witnessed the most robust election campaigns and
mobilisation of the electorate to participate in the process.
Nwosu and his team set June 12, 1993 as
date for the presidential election, which was to bring to an end over a
decade of unbroken military rule.
On Thursday, June 10, 1993, he led a
team of NEC officials to brief the nation’s military rulers on the
commission’s plans to hold the election on that date.
The leadership of the Armed Forces
Ruling Council included Babangida, the president; Vice-President
Augustus Aikhomu; and the Chief of Army Staff, Gen. Sani Abacha.
Nwosu announced the commission’s
readiness to conduct the election, which was to crown the
administration’s transition to civil rule programme.
What transpired during the meeting cast doubts over the assurances by the military to leave the political scene.
Various accounts revealed that senior
members of the administration asked the NEC team if they were sure that
the election would hold.
A section of the military apparently
reluctant to leave the scene appeared to have hinged their doubts on a
needless legal tussle between the commission and a group of military
apologists bent on scuttling the election.
About 24 hours earlier, NEC’s Director of Legal Services was before an Abuja High Court presided over by Justice Bassey Ikpeme.
He was battling to convince the learned
judge that her court lacked the jurisdiction to entertain a case brought
before it by the Senator Arthur Nzeribe-led Association for Better
Nigeria.
ABN had tried to mobilise Nigerians
against the transition to civil rule programme. A lot of Nigerians
believed that the ABN was doing the bidding of key figures in the IBB
administration. The association was in court to seek the stoppage of the
June 12 election.
Meanwhile, a Lagos High Court had declared that ABN was not properly registered.
This was the prevailing situation when the administration gave the go-ahead for the election to hold.
For the first time in the nation’s
chequered history, Nigerians who had a reputation for clinging to their
ethnic and religious identities in previous elections, set aside their
ethno-religious differences to vote massively for the MKO/Kingibe
ticket.
Abiola beat Tofa in his electoral ward
to prove his level of acceptability across the nation. No sooner had NEC
began a state-by-state announcement of election results, than Babangida
announced the annulment of the election. In a speech on June 26, 1993,
he cited electoral malpractices such as rigging and vote buying as
reasons for his action.
The world was stunned, Nigerians were
enraged. This set the stage for the forced exit of IBB, the self-styled
evil genius. Street protests and organised civil disobedience became a
daily routine. Babangida eventually “stepped aside” on August 26 and set
up the Chief Ernest Shonekan-led Interim National Government with a
mandate to run government and organise fresh elections. The protests
continued; Abacha, who was left behind to ‘stabilise’ Shonekan’s
administration, shoved it aside on November 17 and took over the reins
of government. The struggle for the actualisation of the people’s
mandate continued unabated. Scores of Nigerians were killed as the
military cracked down on protesters, several went on exile, and more
were jailed for daring to stand up to the military.
Activists, civil servants, students and
the media literally shut the nation down with daily street protests and
prolonged strikes by workers in critical sectors of the economy. The
presumed winner of the election, Chief MKO Abiola, erroneously believing
that Abacha would do the right thing by restoring his mandate,
encouraged some of his lieutenants to participate in the Abacha
administration. When it became obvious that Abacha was as unwilling to
honour the people’s will, Abiola took his destiny in his hands and
stepped forward to claim his mandate.
On June 11, 1994, Abiola declared a
Government of National Unity at Epetedo in Lagos. In a speech titled
‘Enough is Enough’, he said, “As of now, from this moment, a new
Government of National Unity is in power throughout the length and
breath of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, led by me, Bashorun M.K.O.
Abiola, as President and Commander-in-Chief. The National Assembly is
hereby reconvened. All dismissed governors are reinstated. The State
Assemblies are reconstituted, as are all local government councils. I
urge them to adopt a bi-partisan approach to all the issues that come
before them. At the national level, a bi-partisan approach will be our
guiding principle. I call upon the usurper, General Sani Abacha, to
announce his resignation forthwith, together with the rest of his
illegal ruling council. “We are prepared to enter into negotiations with
them to work out the mechanics for a smooth transfer of power. I pledge
that if they hand over quietIy, they will be retired with all their
entitlements, and their positions will be accorded all the respect due
to them. For our objective is neither recrimination nor witch-hunting,
but an enforcement of the will of the Nigerian people, as expressed in
free elections conducted by the duly constituted authority of the time.
“I hereby invoke the mandate bestowed
upon me by my victory in the said election, to call on all members of
the Armed Forces and the Police, the Civil and Public Services
throughout the Federal Republic of Nigeria , to obey only the Government
of National Unity that is headed by me, your only elected President. My
Government of National Unity is the only legitimate, constituted
authority in the Federal Republic of Nigeria, as of now.”
Abiola had famously declared, “I cannot
surrender (my mandate) unless the people so demand and it is by virtue
of this mandate that I say that the decision of the Federal Military
Government to cancel the results (of the elections) is unpatriotic and
capable of causing undue and unnecessary confusion in the country.”
The move led to his arrest and
subsequent death in detention on June 24 at his residence on 5/7 Moshood
Abiola Crescent, Ikeja, Lagos.
State-sponsored terror, which became the hallmark of Abacha’s iron fisted rule, led to the death of several prominent Nigerians.
Chief Alfred Rewane, Alhaja Kidirat
Abiola, Gen. Shehu Yar’Adua, Bagauda Kalto, Suliat Adedeji and many
others lost their lives while the Publisher of Guardian Newspaper, the
late Chief Alex Ibru, and a leading member of the Afenifere
socio-cultural organisation, Chief Abraham Adesanya, escaped
assassination attempts by a whisker.
Abacha’s tyrannical rule came to an
abrupt end on June 8, 1998 when he died in controversial circumstances
in the Presidential Villa.
A month later, Chief Abiola also died in
after drinking a cup of tea in the presence of American diplomats led
by Thomas Pickering. When Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar took over and
initiated a transition programme which ushered in the current political
dispensation in 1999, very few Nigerians believed he was going to keep
his word.
Retired military personnel and
politicians from different backgrounds and ideological persuasions came
together and formed the Peoples Democratic Party, Alliance for Democracy
and All Peoples Party.
The PDP, which enjoyed a greater
national spread and acceptance, decided that in the interest of
reconciliation, the injustice done Chief Abiola needed to be addressed.
This led to the decision by an
overwhelming number of northerners to, as Prof. Ango Abdullahi put it:
“Bring Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo out of prison, pardon him, give him money
to run a successful campaign to become President.”
So much has happened in the political
arena since 1993. The outcomes of successive elections, apart from that
of 1999, have been subjects of litigation. Several amendments to the
Electoral Act have been unable to re-ignite the general feeling of being
a Nigerian, which the June 12, 1993 election has come to symbolise.
Malam Shehu Sani, who spent time behind
bars for activism during the era, said, “What we see today are pseudo
democrats, who have hijacked the process and foisted on us a system
which threatens what several went to prison, exile and even died for.”
Ethnic and religious bigots have taken
the stage once again, deploying every arsenal at their disposal to force
Nigerians back into ethnic and religious cleavages. Armies of
unemployed youths have been recruited by politicians and armed to harm
political opponents in a bid to have undue political mileage.
These youths have become the scourge of
the nation as they metamorphosed into the nucleus of armed conflicts in
the Niger Delta and the North-East. The nation has yet to recover from
the menace of the Boko Haram insurgency, which experts say is a fallout
of the abandonment of these armed youths by their erstwhile political
benefactors.
As the 2015 general elections approach,
Nigerians are again being treated to a fresh round of political tension
as happenings within the polity show little sign that little, if any
lesson, has been learnt from the experiences of the past.
Beyond the declaration of June 12 as public holiday as is being done in states in the South-West and the naming of monuments after the acclaimed winner of the election, pundits believe that our leaders need to take a cue from Chief MKO Abiola’s life of sacrifice.
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